Etymology: Shortened < Andromeda n. (and partly also < its genitive form Andromedae), originally as a graphic abbreviation.

Etymology: < and n.¹

Etymology: Cognate with Old Frisian ande , and , an , end , en (West Frisian en ), Old Dutch ende , inde , en , in (Middle Dutch end , ende , inde , en , etc., Dutch en , †ende ), Old Saxon anda , ande , ende , endi , en (Middle Low German unde , (rare) ende , German regional (Low German) un ), Old High German anti , endi , enti , indi , inti , unde , unti , etc. (Middle High German unde , und , unt , German und ), and also Old Icelandic en , enn , Old Danish æn (Danish end ), both in sense ‘but’, further etymology and semantic development uncertain and disputed (see note). The β. forms show i-mutation, as do parallel forms with initial e or i in the other Germanic languages. The variation in several Germanic languages between forms with initial a, e, and i on the one hand and forms with initial u on the other is probably due to the coexistence of distinct ablaut variants from early times, rather than (as has sometimes been suggested) to reduction of the initial vowel in unstressed position.The form ant occurs in a gloss to a scribble in a 9th-cent. continental manuscript, but probably reflects no more than unfamiliarity with Old English on the part of the scribe (see N. R. Ker Catal. MSS containing Anglo-Saxon (1990) Suppl. Apparently no. 40). The form yand shows development of an initial j -glide. Many senses of the English conjunction are paralleled in other West Germanic languages. In North Germanic languages the usual word for ‘and’ is a cognate of eke adv. The ulterior etymology of the word as well as its precise semantic development are uncertain. Most scholars appear to agree with the view expressed in N.E.D. (1884) that ‘from the idea of opposition, juxtaposition, or antithesis, the word was used in the Germanic languages to express the mutual relation of notions and propositions’, and assume a development from an adverb or a preposition with originally locative sense to a conjunction, comparing the following prepositions and adverbs in other Indo-European languages: ancient Greek ἀντί (see anti- prefix), classical Latin ante (see ante- prefix), Sanskrit anti (adverb) near. In this case, the conjunction would derive ultimately < the same Indo-European base as end n. However, there seems to be no general agreement as to whether the abovementioned words are in fact cognates of the Germanic word, and if no secure cognates are attested outside Germanic, statements about the semantic development of the word within Germanic risk circularity. Some scholars have considered Tocharian B entwe ‘then, thereupon’ a cognate, and on this basis suggested a derivation of the Germanic conjunction < the Indo-European base of in prep. (with additional suffix); however, this is very doubtful, as the Tocharian B word is only securely related to Tocharian A antuṣ in same sense, but the further etymology of both Tocharian words is uncertain and disputed. For a detailed discussion of the semantic development of the word in West Germanic, see further R. Lühr in Münchner Studien zur Sprachwissensch. 38 (1979) 117–54, who agrees with the majority view on both the ulterior etymology of the word and its semantic development. With numerals of the type one and twenty (see sense A. 1b) compare this type of composition in other Germanic languages, e.g. Old High German fiarzug inti sehso forty-six, Middle High German einz und drīzic thirty-one, German einundzwanzig twenty-one, Old Icelandic einn ok tuttugu (also tuttugu ok einn ) twenty-one, etc. In sense A. 4 perhaps after classical Latin et..et.., Anglo-Norman and Old French e..e.., Old French, Middle French, French et..et.. (end of the 11th cent.). With sense A. 6a compare French il y a..et.. in the same sense (1667 or earlier, especially in il y a fagots et fagots ‘there are bundles and bundles’ ( ‘Molière’ Le médecin malgré lui (1667) I. v)); although the use by Molière has sometimes been considered the model of the English one, this could only be true of later uses, given the considerably earlier attestation of this sense in English. Compare also post-classical Latin ribaldi sunt et ribaldi ‘there are ribalds and ribalds’ (in an undated source in Du Cange) (see ribald n. for the meanings of this word, which are perhaps being played on here). In later uses in Irish English and Scots in sense A. 9b apparently influenced by similar constructions with Irish agus (or Scottish Gaelic agus ) followed by the subject and (where a verb is required) a verbal noun rather than a finite verb. Normative usage guides have frequently criticized the use of and at the beginning of a sentence (seen especially in sense A. 11a), as well as supposedly over-frequent use of the conjunction in general. Branch A. II. (the conditional use) probably represents a native semantic development from the use as coordinating conjunction, although the details are unclear. Scandinavian influence has sometimes been suggested, but is unlikely: although similar uses in the senses ‘if’ and ‘even if’ are attested for Old Icelandic enda ‘and indeed, and moreover, and yet, although, if, even if’ (probably < the Germanic base of and conj.¹, adv., and n.¹ + the Germanic base of though adv., conj., and n.) as well as for the cognate Old Icelandic en , enn , early quots. for the conditional use do not come from areas with close contact between English and Scandinavian languages. Middle High German unde , unt has also been compared to the English conditional use, but although it does occur introducing conditional clauses, its precise meaning and function in such instances are hard to pin down, so much so that it has been suggested that it may lack any tangible lexical meaning and merely serve to emphasize the beginning of a subordinate clause (see H. Paul et al. Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik (ed. 24, 1998) §445). In later use, the conditional use is usually treated as a distinct word and spelt an (see an conj. and discussion at that entry). The conditional use is not securely attested before the late 13th cent. Dict. Old Eng. (at cited word, sense B.1) records a handful of possible earlier examples, all of which may arguably be better interpreted either as examples of the simple sense ‘and’ or as scribal errors; compare the following (and see further Dict. Old Eng.):OE tr. Bede Eccl. Hist. (Corpus Cambr.) v. ix. 408 Wæron eac ða gyt oðre folc manig in ðam ylcum dælum hæðenum þeawum þeowigende, to ðam se foræspre[ce]na Cristes cempa ymbliþendra Brytene utan cuman wolde, & [eOE Tanner gif, OE Otho gif, OE Cambr. Univ. Libr. gif] wen wære [L. siquos forte] þæt he þær hwylce mihte deofle oðgripan & to Criste gecyrran.OE Ælfric Homily (Corpus Cambr. 188) in B. Assmann Angelsächsische Homilien u. Heiligenleben (1889) 40 Swa is eac on lichaman se læssa man betere, swa swa Zacheus wæs, mid gesundfulnysse, þonne se unhala beo and hæbbe on his wæstme Golian mycelnysse, þæs gramlican entes.lOE Anglo-Saxon Chron. (Laud) (Peterborough interpolation) anno 675 Ic wille & tyðe þet hwilc man swa haued behaten to faren to Rome and he ne muge hit forðian, ouðer for untrumnisse..ouðer for hwilces cinnes oðer neod he ne muge þær cumon,..cume to þet mynstre on Medeshamstede & haue þet ilce forgiuenesse of Criste & Sancte Peter & of þone abbot & of þone muneca þet he scolde hauen gif he to Rome fore.a1225 (?OE) MS Lamb. in R. Morris Old Eng. Homilies (1868) 1st Ser. 23 And þah an castel beo wel bemoned mid monne and mid wepne, and [perh. understand þeh] þer beo analpi holh þat an mon mei crepan in, Nis hit al unnet? In use as adverb (sense B.) after classical Latin et in similar use. The existence of a prepositional use of Old English and , ond with the dative, posited by 19th-cent. scholars and exemplified by N.E.D. (1884), is no longer accepted. Presumed senses were given by N.E.D. as ‘before, in presence of’ and ‘by the side of, besides, along with, in addition to’. However, the examples cited are better interpreted as instances of a reverse spelling of ⁊ (the Tironian note) for on on prep. (compare use of on for ond : see an conj.), or, in the case of the examples from Menologium, as instances of the conjunction in simple connective use following a preposition governing the dative (see further Dict. Old Eng. (at cited word, sense E) and B. Mitchell Old Eng. Syntax (1985) §§571, 1739): eOE King Ælfred tr. Gregory Pastoral Care (Hatton) (1871) xxxviii. 277 Hit bið todæled & [eOE Junius on] to monigfealda spræca.eOE King Ælfred tr. Boethius De Consol. Philos. (Otho) xxix. 67 Hwylc is wirsa wol oððe ænegum men mare daru þonne [he] hæbbe on his geferrædenne & on h[i]s neaweste feond & [read on] freondes anlicnesse [L. familiaris inimicus]?OE Genesis A (1931) 13 Hæfdon gleam & dream, & [read on] heora ordfruman, engla þreatas, beorhte blisse.OE Menologium 188 Swylce wigena tiid ymb twentig þæs twegra healdað and fif [read seofon] nihtum samod ætgædere on anne dæg.OE Menologium 211 Þænne embe eahta niht and feowerum þætte fan gode besenctun on sægrund sigefæstne wer. However, such a prepositional use is attested in several other Germanic languages; compare Old Frisian and , ande , anda , end , ende in, Old Saxon ant until, Gothic and along, through, over (in an isolated attestation); see also and- prefix and compare discussion at that entry.

Etymology: Respelling (by confusion with an conj.) of English regional and Scots 'an, en, variant of than conj. (compare ε. forms at that entry, and also later 'n conj.¹).The following quotation, given under this word in N.E.D., is now generally regarded as exemplifying and conj.¹ 15:a1616 W. Shakespeare Henry V (1623) ii. iii. 11 Hee's in Arthurs Bosome, if euer man went to Arthurs Bosome: a made a finer end, and went away and it had beene any Christome Child.